The President’s Words

* nur EinzelwörterPowered by Yandex.Dictionary
term frequency(per 100,000 words)
/ Examples
* nur EinzelwörterPowered by Yandex.Dictionary
term frequency(per 100,000 words)
/ Examples
Source: kremlin.ruHow we analysed the dataLast update: March, 18th 2020

How we analysed the data

The chart shows the frequency with which individual terms or combinations of terms appear in publications of the President of the Russian Federation over the period from 2000 up until 2019.

In preparing and depicting the data, we based our procedure largely on that used by our colleagues over at Zeit Online for their project 70 Jahre Bundestag – Darüber spricht der Bundestag [70 years of the Bundestag – What the Bundestag talks about]

What data did we use?

The analysis is based on raw data pulled from more than 10,000 transcripts published on the website of the Kremlin between 1 January 2000 and 31 December 2019. These include official addresses given by the Russian president and transcripts of meetings and interviews, as well as other kinds of texts, such as op-eds by the president that appeared in various newspapers.

Dmitry Medvedev served as Russia’s president from 7 May 2008 to 6 May 2012, with Vladimir Putin assuming the post of prime minister. Thus, the data for this period which is known as “castling” relate to statements made by Medvedev. From 7 May 2012 onwards, they once again relate to Putin’s words. We have labelled the years in the chart accordingly.

What procedure did we follow?

The transcripts posted on also contain the speech of people other than the Russian president – people who attended meetings with the president, interviewed him, etc. Although we did our best to filter this speech out, we cannot absolutely rule out the possibility of slight distortions resulting from content of this kind, because the transcripts do not always indicate a change of speaker in a uniform manner.

The first thing we did to prepare the data for analysis was to chop the filtered transcripts up into individual words, known as tokens. Then we removed all of the “stop words” from the token list – i.e. words like “and” (и), “so” (так) or “only” (только), which have no particular relevance for the analysis.

Individual terms (especially in Russian) can occur in a variety of forms (газета, газеты, газете, газету, …), so the next step was to standardise all the variants, i.e. change them all to their dictionary form, or lemma. In computational linguistics, this step is called lemmatisation. We used an algorithm developed by the Russian search engine provider Yandex for this. (For the English version: StanfordNLP LemmaProcessor.)

We also searched the data for words that occur in two or three-word strings (known as n-grams) with particular frequency, because we were interested in combinations of words like “artificial intelligence” (искусственный интеллект) or “Great Patriotic War” (Великая Отечественная Война), as well as in individual terms.

The last step was to count the number of times that the words and word combinations appear in the data associated with each individual year. To ensure that differences in the volume of material published in different years would not distort the results, we set up the tool to chart relative rather than absolute frequency; i.e. it shows the frequency with which a word or a combination of words appears per 100,000 words in a year. 

What else should users keep in mind?

Like the original documents, the data may contain misspelled words. To keep the dataset to a manageable size, only terms occurring at least three times over the entire period are shown.

The data for the German and Russian versions of this tool were derived from the Kremlin’s Russian-language publications; for the English version of the tool, we used the English-language publications at There may be differences between the English and Russian versions of a chart, since the English-language Kremlin site posts somewhat fewer documents and because the translations can sometimes differ from their source texts, and can also be prepared using different spelling standards (“modernisation” vs. “modernization”).

Decoding Putin

Vladimir was elected to the Russian presidency for the first time in March of 2000. He has been in power now for twenty years. Twenty is a lot of years. And a lot has happened: terrorist attacks, economic crises, the Russo-Georgian War, the annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine, sanctions on Russia and Russia’s countersanctions. There have been extensive reforms, the inaugural sessions of five newly elected parliaments, and large-scale demonstrations.

The dekoder special 20 Years of Putin is an attempt to decode Putin. And we actually mean “decode” in a technical sense, not just a figurative one. For this purpose, we have developed a tool that analyses texts from the official website of the President of Russia to generate a graphic representation of the frequency of word use by Putin (2000–2008 and 2012–2020) and Dmitry Medvedev (2008–2012). Researchers from European universities pick out individual terms and tell us the stories behind them.

Medvedev’s Highlights

Medvedev’s Highlights

Text: Translation: William Driver17.03.2020

In 2024, the second round of the two presidential terms that Vladimir Putin was eligible to serve under the constitution were going to end. However, he has decided to simply rewrite the constitution in order to remain in power for another 12 years. Putin ran up against the two-term limit once before, in 2008, but back then he opted for a different way to retain power: Dmitry Medvedev, an old comrade from Putin’s years in Petersburg, became president. What happened in the four years that followed may have been what convinced Putin to take a different approach this time around.

Though many experts believe that Medvedev was never truly an independent figure, there were clear differences in the rhetoric of the two politicians, and these occasionally ended in open conflict. Below, the “buzzwords” for the Medvedev years.


The Russo-Georgian war, the most significant foreign-policy event of Medvedev’s presidency, began shortly after he took office. It marked Russia’s first entry into armed conflict with a European state since World War II. A Georgian attack on a Russian peacekeeping force in South Ossetia – a small unrecognised state on the Russo-Georgian border – provided the pretext for the war, which lasted only a few days, in August 2008. The subsequent actions taken by Russian army were described in Russian propaganda as an operation aimed at forcing Georgia to make peace. By the end of the war, Moscow had recognised the independence of both South Ossetia and Abkhazia, another separatist region of Georgia. In addition to the severance of relations with georgia, the war triggered a drastic deterioration in Russia’s relations with the West. Georgia itself, though, quickly fell off the radar again.

resetstrategic offensive

The situation changed in late 2008, however, when the United States voted Barack Obama, the Democratic candidate, into the presidency. By March 2009, Obama, seeking a fresh start to relations with Russia, had launched a policy that came to be known as the reset. One visible result of the thawing of relations between the two countries was the strategic arms Reduction Treaty (START III; START II having been abandoned in 2002); in signing this instrument, both sides demonstrated a willingness to refrain from the mutual threat of nuclear weapon use.


Medvedev’s period in office also saw a key phase in the talks on Russia’s accession to the world trade organization (Russia’s WTO membership did not become effective until after Medvedev left office). In entering the WTO system, Russia committed itself to abide by its standards, much to the annoyance of economic nationalists.


Several political analysts see Medvedev’s support of the USA’s position on the Libyan conflict as the cause of a public rift between him and Putin.

A short recap: civil war ignited in libya in early 2011. It was clear that airstrikes would give Muammar Gaddafi’s dictatorial regime the upper hand – if it could use them. But the Western states urged the UN Security Council to create a no-fly zone above Libya, and the Russia delegation, on Medvedev’s instructions, made no objection, despite Putin’s public calls for a veto of the relevant resolution. Gaddafi was subsequently overthrown, and Putin soon returned to the presidency.


The international economic crisis in 2008/2009 coincided with the start of Medvedev’s presidency. Thanks to the government’s strict financial policy, Russia was on its way to a fairly swift economic recovery, interrupted by the dramatic fall in oil prices in 2013 and imposition of sanctions due to the Ukraine crisis. Interestingly, Putin referred to the crisis in 2015/2016 – which was in many respects an internal Russia crisis – as “ours” far less frequently than Medvedev.

modernisation + modernizationdemocracy

In the face of the international crisis, Medvedev spoke quite often about the necessity to modernise the country. Many took the word modernisation to be a modern translation of perestroika; some welcomed this, others were more wary. Medvedev spoke about democracy a lot more than Putin, as well.

In essence, this talk of modernisation involved the promise to create an innovative economy, privatise many state assets and actively develop the energy sector. In the end, only this last aim was realised – the oil and gas sector did in fact become one of the most innovative sectors, at least with respect to those aspects of the sector that permit innovation. 


In the minds of many Russians, the ideology of modernisation was closely entwined with Medvedev’s own enthusiasm for gadgets (the first iPhones had just hit the shelves), the internet and social networks. His detractors dubbed him the Twitter President for this reason, though his account was not a channel for a genuinely two-way flow of opinions or information.


In April 2009, Major Denis Yevsyukov, a senior officer in the militia, shot several people in a Moscow supermarket while intoxicated. Shortly thereafter, the Medvedev government initiated what was probably its most talked-about reform: that of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In reality, though, it was to essentially an exercise in rebranding – renaming the “militia” (militsiya) the police (politsiya). The reform had almost no effect on internal ministry structures, and in particular none on the so-called “stick system” – in which the performance of police officers is assessed chiefly on the basis of numbers of cases solved – which encourages police misconduct and abuse. Interestingly, Medvedev undertook a, far more successful, reform of the army during his time in office as well, but he almost never mentioned it.


After the release of Aleksey Navalny’s documentary “Don’t call him Dimon” in 2017, the name of Medvedev, by then prime minister, became practically a byword for corruption. All the more interesting, then, to note that Medvedev was the one who introduced the word corruption to the active presidential vocabulary. Words alone had almost no effect on the situation, though, at least not in the eyes of the urban-dwelling middle classes: the electoral fraud accompanying the 2011 Duma elections was seen by many as an example of political corruption. And it was the protests following these elections that made Navalny, who had previously fought against financial fraud in state-owned corporations, the leader of the opposition. Incidentally, Navalny’s name was never uttered publicly by either president.